Refilling puts people to work and saves money for taxpayers. By taking beverage containers out of the municipal waste stream, refilling greatly reduces the public costs of waste management. The capacity vacated by beverage containers allows collection of other materials for recycling, which in turn reduces landfill tipping fees. Refilling also can reduce the prices of beverages. The environmental benefits of refilling are compelling too. As David Saphire concluded in his 1994 book, Case Reopened: Reassessing Refillable Bottles, "With sufficient trippage, refillable glass or PET bottles use less material than one-way bottles made of the same material, use less energy in extracting raw materials and manufacturing bottles, use less total energy (including extraction, manufacturing, washing and distribution), and generate smaller quantities of pollutants during the manufacturing process" [SAPH, p. 52].
Despite these myriad benefits, America's leading soft-drink and beer companies have no plans to increase their use of refillable containers [SAPH, p. 44]. The increased use of refillable milk bottles is also unlikely. Most milk is sold through retailers [SAPH, p. 47], who adamantly refuse to stock anything in reusable packaging. Indeed, if we want refillable beverage containers in America, we need to spark public demand for refillables and advocate for appropriate government policies to promote or require refilling. Unlike Europe, where policies focus on maintaining the existing refillable infrastructure, the United States is in need of policies to revive refilling and rebuild its dismantled refillable infrastructure.
Taxes on one-way containers, for instance, are a good policy instrument to preserve existing refilling systems, but may not work as well to jump-start new refilling systems. Such taxes, in effect, give refillables a price discount, which can act as an economic incentive to buyers to choose refillables over one-way containers. (They are also good in generating revenue, which could be used to support refilling or other environmental objectives.) But if beverage companies do not offer refillables in the first place, the incentive is non-existent. Furthermore, once refillables are available and the public has a packaging choice, the tax would have to be high enough to actually influence buying behaviour. More research might be worthwhile to explore how high the tax would need to be in order to impact sales of one-way beverages and encourage the beverage industry to offer more refillable containers. Saphire further points out that the U.S. public may view such taxes as an across-the-board price increase on beverages [SAPH, p. 245]; thus, taxes may not be politically as viable as other policy approaches.
We know that some form of deposit system is vital to achieve high return rates for refillable containers. But we also know deposits alone are not enough. Saphire presents the following policy options to promote use of refillables in the United States [SAPH, pp. 53-57, 224, 235-236]:
Prince Edward Island (Canada) and Denmark, which have the highest refilling rates in the world, have combined deposits with outright bans on one-way containers. In the United States, a delayed ban on non-refillable beverage containers would ensure that all beverage containers are refillable or recyclable and give industry time to convert. A policy approach focusing on a ban of one-way containers could include the following provisions.
While an outright ban on one-way beverage containers would certainly revive refilling in the United States and complement zero-waste planning, achieving such a ban would be a monumental political challenge. In order to ultimately reach high refilling levels in the United States, refillable container advocates might first pursue the following intermediate and complementary steps, many of which are discussed in Saphire's book, Case Reopened [Saphire, pp. 53-57, 224, 235-236]:
For more information about policy instruments for mandating or promoting refilling, see the policies page of this web site.
Half-truth. Refilling will raise the prices of packaged beverages.
Fact. If this statement were true, then Coca-Cola would not use refillable bottles in Latin America in order to make its products affordable to more consumers [FEMC]. After refilling becomes prevalent in the US again, in addition, competition could drive prices lower [SAPH, p. 216]. The economics page of this web site gives examples and cites studies that show beverages in refillable containers cost less than those in one-way containers.
Half-truth. American consumers will not return containers at rates high enough to make refilling economical.
Fact. In markets where refillable beverage containers are prevalent, the return rates exceed 90 percent and in most cases exceed 97 percent. Indeed, these markets are mostly in Canada and in Europe, but these high percentages show that people are willing and able to return containers. Americans would be willing to return containers if the deposits are high enough and would be able to do so if it is convenient. Moreover, just as Coke and Pepsi used advertising in the 1960s to instill in consumers a habit of throwing away beverage containers [CW; pp. 142-143, 325], these and other companies could use their vast advertising resources to promote the habit of returning them. Brewers Retail, Inc., Ontario's leading beer retailer, successfully uses advertising to promote the return of refillable beer bottles [BRI].
For more information about some of these sources, go to the annotated bibliography (B) or to the links.
(L).
[BRI] Brewers Retail, Inc. [Mississauga, Ontario] http://www.thebeerstore.ca (L)
[CW] Louis, J. C., and Harvey Yazijian. The Cola Wars. New York: Everest House, 1980. (B)
[FEMC] Coca-Cola FEMSA, S.A. "Coca-Cola FEMSA 2000 Annual Report." http://media.corporate-ir.net/media_files/NYS/KOF/reports/00AR.pdf
[SAPH] Saphire, David. Case Reopened: Reassessing Refillable Bottles. New York: INFORM, Inc., 1994. (B)